Defection As Metaphor For Political Kidnapping – By Frank Ofili

In Nigeria’s contemporary political discourse, the word defection has become a recurrent theme — especially as incumbent opposition state governors and key political figures abandon their parties for the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC). Ostensibly voluntary, these defections increasingly resemble political kidnapping — not in the literal sense, but in the coercive logic that binds them. Of course, it goes without saying that the opposition state governors are not without some blemish.

In the world of kidnappers, captors impose an ultimatum: pay ransom to free your loved one or face tragic consequences. In the current Nigerian political climate, the ransom is not money but political survival; the hostage is the opposition governor’s political career, reputation, and, indeed, their very relevance. The threat is implicit: align with the ruling party — along with your entire political structure — or risk persecution by federal agencies like the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) and the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC). This pattern departs from democratic norms of healthy opposition and vibrant party competition and instead evokes a chilling metaphor of state capture and intimidation.

Recent political events suggest that defections are seldom isolated decisions purely based on ideology or alignment with the APC’s purported vision. Rather, they take place against a backdrop of intense federal pressure and perceived threats – though the governors concerned would not openly admit it.

It says a lot that the current political defection charade is going on under the watchful eye of President Tinubu, who himself survived this kind of political arm-twisting under President Obasanjo.

Opposition leaders, including presidential contenders and prominent figures in parties like the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and Labour Party (LP), have publicly accused the federal government of using anti-graft agencies and state power to intimidate political rivals. They warn that institutions meant to combat corruption are being weaponized to weaken opposition and consolidate power within the ruling party.

This strategy parallels a kidnapper’s ultimatum: capitulate and hand over what we demand, or face systemic consequences. In political terms, the demand is clear — defect to the APC with your political apparatus — and the consequences range from investigations to outright harassment.

Examples of Coordinated Defections

A number of high-profile defections illustrate this trend, often occurring after intense pressure, political crises in opposition parties, or speculation about federal influence:

• Siminalayi Fubara (Rivers State) — Formerly of the PDP, Governor Fubara officially defected to the APC earlier this month 2025 after months of political higi-haga with his political godfather and former governor of Rivers State, Nyesom Wike. The disagreement with Wike, an ally of President Tinubu, degenerated so much that the President declared an unjustified six month state of emergency in Rivers State, suspended Fubara as governor and the entire political and administrative machinery in the state, and appointed a sole administrator in the person of Vice Admiral Ibok-Ete Ekwe Ibas (Retired). Then a combination of intimidation, bullying, negotiations and political realignment started. Unable to bear the pressure, Fubara caved in, and – not surprisingly – defected to the ruling APC. His move was accompanied by several lawmakers in the Rivers State House of Assembly, suggesting a coordinated shift rather than a spontaneous ideological conversion.
• Peter Mbah (Enugu State) — The Enugu governor also announced his defection to the APC in October 2025, triggering reports that his entire political team — including state lawmakers and councillors — would follow suit.
• Umo Eno (Akwa Ibom State) — In June 2025, Governor Eno left the PDP for the APC, citing internal party issues but doing so amid national political pressures and narratives about survival in opposition being untenable.
• Delta State Governor Sheriff Oborevwori and Senator Ifeanyi Okowa (Delta State) — Both defected in April 2025, in a high-profile move that saw the incumbent and his predecessor jointly join the APC — a shift that then rippled through Delta’s political class. This came after Okowa was picked up (some say invited) by EFCC and asked to give account of his stewardship as governor of Delta State.

Beyond governors, defections have surged among federal legislators, with numerous senators and House of Representatives members abandoning their parties for the APC after meetings involving federal leadership. This exodus underscores the broader pattern — defections are occurring not simply as ideological shifts but as responses to a political environment where remaining in opposition increasingly feels like political peril.

This ongoing wave of defections, in my view, threatens Nigeria’s multi-party democratic system. If unchecked, it could edge the nation toward a de facto one-party state, disrupting political pluralism and weakening democratic accountability.

By tying political survival to alignment with the ruling party, the federal government risks eroding the very foundations of competitive politics. When elected officials feel compelled to defect to avoid legal scrutiny, administrative marginalization, or loss of federal support, the result is not ideological realignment but coercion by structural disadvantage. It says a lot that the current political defection charade is going on under the watchful eye of President Tinubu, who himself survived this kind of political arm-twisting under President Obasanjo.

Defections have long been part of Nigeria’s political fabric, and politicians do change allegiance for varied reasons. Yet what distinguishes the current wave is the context of intense federal pressure and perceived punitive consequences for dissent. In this sense, defections are no longer mere choices but reactions to an environment where political survival increasingly depends on capitulation to the ruling party. Framed this way, the metaphor of political kidnapping — where defection becomes a form of release from coercive pressure — reveals an urgent challenge for Nigeria’s democracy. When politics appears to mimic kidnapping, there is cause for concern.

Defections should ideally reflect ideological alignment and democratic choice. Instead, as the current trend shows, they risk becoming signals of state dominance over opposition — a political landscape where the price of freedom is surrender to the prevailing power.