WITHOUT CHARACTER

It is no secret that politicians, especially those of the hustling flock, are like prostitutes. In fact there is little difference between them and prostitutes, be it those who lay claim to being progressives, conservatives or even centrists. In Nigeria, this flock of politicians are even worse than prostitutes. The common denominator between them is self-interest and lack of loyalty to the nation or to the party. And to satisfy their self-interest, they constantly change colour, form and formation.

Their stock in trade is manipulation, deceit, stealth, subterfuge; making bogus promises wherever and whenever it sooths them. They would promise to build a bridge where there is no river; to build a sea port in the heart of the desert. Fortunately for them, most people fall for their tricks – unfortunately.

One of the remarkable differences between the First, the Second and the Third Republic politics in Nigeria is the clear absence of ideology in the later. In the First and Second Republics

This breed of Nigerian politicians is, like Cassandra, the ones who should never be believed. Cassandra is the Trojan Princess in Greek mythology, daughter of Pruem and Hecuba who was bestowed with the power of prophecy by Apollo in order to seduce her. However when she spat at him, Apollo promptly declared that she should never be believed. But there are a few Nigerian politicians who command relative integrity, they see white and call it white; black and call it black. But they are in the minority. Most however are as dishonest as they are deceitful.

And just like there is little difference between one Nigerian politician and another, there is also little ideological difference between one party and another in Nigeria. The demise of political ideology in Nigeria came during the self-proclaimed military president Ibrahim Babangida’s era of cloak and dagger politics. The mortal dagger was thrust into its fragile heart when the gap-toothed general annulled the June 12 1993 presidential election. Since then, politics of ideology in Nigeria has remained in perpetual reverse mode.

Even with the sleaze that characterized the Second Republic, its politics was still better and more ideology-driven. By the way, the point needs be clarified here that Nigeria is in reality still in the Third Republic, not Fourth Republic, though some might disagree. Babangida made an attempt through the back door to enthrone his time in Aso Rock as the Third Republic when he proclaimed himself a military president – an anomaly of sorts – but the truth is his presidency was not elected by the people of Nigeria. He shot himself into that position via a palace coup.

By dint of doggedness and perhaps Providence, the man he toppled, Muhammadu Buhari, is now elected President of Nigeria. Bottom line is there cannot be a Republic where the sovereign people cannot exercise their right to elect their leader. Having an elected National Assembly, as was the case during Babangida’s time, is simply not enough to define a Republican era. But I digress; now back to the essence of this piece.

One of the remarkable differences between the First, the Second and the Third Republic politics in Nigeria is the clear absence of ideology in the later. In the First and Second Republics, it was not difficult to identify a party as either of the bourgeoisie, the middle class or the common people. In the Second Republic for instance, the National Party of Nigeria (NPN) was a party for the bourgeoisie; Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN) was a party for the middle class, while the Peoples Redemption Party (PRP) was for the common people. In those days, the ideological leanings of each party were often reflected in their manifestoes. You could tell for instance that the NPN was a conservative party, the UPN a progressive or socialist in orientation, while the PRP was a leftist or radical party.

This characterization was carried over to the early days of Babangida’s regime. When the army general however decided in his wisdom to decree by fiat two parties, political ideology in Nigeria was dealt a fatal blow. The decreed parties (National Republican Convention and Social Democratic Party) were like chameleons – neither to the right nor to the left. Both were essentially towards the centre in ideological leanings.

Aside ideology, robust party politics which ought to be the engine powering the vehicle of democratic governance has also taken a flight in the Third Republic. While political parties in the First and Second Republic were the vehicles driving democracy, intra and inter-party politics were the engine driving the vehicle. Not so any more.

In the Third Republic, godfather politics, or what you may call politics of the big man, has taken over. The godfather determines who gets what, when and where. One must however acknowledge the growing emergence of a politically enlightened citizenry as a pointer in the right direction. All hope seems not lost as social media has proven to be a potent weapon in checking mis-governance and political chicanery.

The absence of party alliances or coalition is also another remarkable feature of Third Republic politics. In the First and Second Republic alliances were common. The alliance (coalition) of NPC and the NCNC produced the first post-Independence government of Nigeria with Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe as governor-general (later to become president after the country became a republic in 1963), while Abubakar Tafawa Balewa was named prime minister. Chief Obafemi Awolowo of the AG became the leader of the opposition.

In the Third Republic, godfather politics, or what you may call politics of the big man, has taken over. The godfather determines who gets what, when and where.

In the Second Republic, there was also the NPP-NPN Accord. The NPP later pulled out of that accord to team up with UPN, GNPP and a faction of PRP to form the Progressives People's Alliance. Alliances were formed in order to secure a controlling or stronger voice and exert greater influence on legislations and or government policies. The parties who entered into such alliances still retained their individual identities, independence and autonomy. It was more a collaboration of two or more parties.

But what do we have today? Personal alliance has replaced party alliances. A classic example is the alliance of APC’s Senator Bukola Saraki and his friends with PDP members of the Senate solely for the purpose of electing him the Senate President as against his party’s (APC) directive.

Although not entirely novel, merger of two or more political parties has replaced alliances as if politics were a business or profit making activity. Sometimes the bigger of the merging parties simply swallow or buy off the identity of the smaller ones. Worse, these mergers are often driven by money-bags who see themselves as bigger than the party, and whose only motive is the size of the national cake they want to corner and divert into their private pockets. Similarity of political ideology or philosophy plays no part in such mergers. And so you begin to see the phenomenon of the political dinosaurs; political parties without political character.

The quality of legislative debates in the Third Republic has also suffered serious decline. Gone are the days of epigrammatic debates in the Senate or the House of Reps. In the Wordsmiths such as Kingsley Ozumba Mbadiwe, Uba Ahmed et al were a sight to behold in their charisma, oratory and eloquence in the hallowed chambers of Second Republic National Assembly. Those were the days of "men of timber, calibre and caterpillar" who marshalled points in debates in a manner that easily induced carpet-crossing from the opposing camp.

Even in its infamy, Second Republic National Assembly debates were as issues-based as they were on national interest. They were not based mainly on party or personal interests – unlike what we have now. A legislator was often judged by the number, quality and relevance of the bills he or she sponsored. It was a marked departure from what obtained in the immediate past National Assembly where about 200 members initiated not a single bill in their four-year sojourn at the Dome.

As far as those legislators were concerned mere recording their attendance at plenary meetings was enough. Initiating bills or contributing to the discussion of bills was unnecessary. In four years these people did nothing to justify their place in the National Assembly or the whopping N1.42 billion paid to each of them as salaries and allowances. Yet some of these people were re-elected – very unfortunate for their constituencies and a tragedy for the country.

(Google pictures)