Wike and the Writing on the Wall
274 viewsBy Frank Ofili
In politics, the fall from favour rarely comes with a formal announcement. It arrives instead through signals—sharp words from unlikely quarters, public rebukes that would once have been unthinkable, and a sudden willingness by power centres to say out loud what they previously whispered. By that measure, Nyesom Wike should be deeply worried.
First, the APC National Secretary, Senator Ajibola Basiru, issued what can only be described as a blunt warning shot. Accusing Wike of attempts to destabilise the ruling party, Basiru went further to suggest that if the FCT Minister was tired of his job, he should simply resign. This was no backbencher venting frustration. It was the administrative nerve centre of the ruling party speaking, and speaking pointedly. In Nigerian politics, party secretaries do not casually insult sitting ministers unless they believe the ground beneath them is firm.
Then came the more consequential intervention. Daniel Bwala, Special Adviser to President Bola Tinubu on Policy Communication. By openly “tackling” Wike and declaring that Governor Siminalayi Fubara—not Wike—is the leader of the APC in Rivers State, Bwala stripped Wike of the ambiguity that has sustained his relevance. This was not just a political correction; it was a deliberate demotion. And coming from a presidential aide whose primary function is to articulate the President’s thinking, it carried the unmistakable weight of presidential displeasure.
Ordinarily, neither Bashiru nor Bwala has the political clouth strong enough to openly engage Wike. But the truth is, these are not isolated incidents. They form a pattern. For months, Wike has acted on the assumption that his value to the President immunises him from rebuke, that his loud loyalty excuses political excess, and that proximity to power guarantees permanence. History suggests otherwise. Nigerian politics is littered with men who mistook access for assurance and bravado for indispensability.
Wike’s long-running strategy—playing opposition politics while holding executive power—was always unsustainable. You cannot consistently undermine party structures, muscle into state politics where you hold no formal authority, and expect eternal indulgence from a presidency that prizes control and order. What we are seeing now is not betrayal; it is correction.
If Wike has any political instincts left, he should have smelt the coffee by now. The Presidency is no longer defending him. The party is no longer shielding him. And his critics are no longer being cautioned into silence. When power begins to speak this openly, it is usually because the decision has already been made internally.
Wike may still occupy a powerful office, but power without favour is a wasting asset. Ministers have survived loss of relevance before; political empires rarely do. Unless Wike radically recalibrates—by submitting to party discipline or retreating from his confrontational posture—he risks becoming a loud echo of yesterday’s influence.
In politics, timing is everything. And all signs suggest that Wike’s time at the centre may already be running out.
